In a recent development, Education Minister ANM Ehsanul Hoque Milon has defended the government’s decision to appoint vice-chancellors to seven universities and a new chairman of the University Grants Commission. He raised a thought-provoking question about whether involvement in politics should be considered a crime. The answer to this is a clear no. Academic professionals do not forfeit their right to political beliefs when they enter the realm of academia. It would be unjust to simply label the newly appointed vice-chancellors as political stooges.
However, the real concern surrounding these appointments is not about the individuals’ political affiliations. The pivotal question is whether a public university can truly maintain its autonomy when key positions are filled by academics closely aligned with the ruling party’s political framework.
The newly appointed Vice-Chancellor of Dhaka University also holds the position of education affairs secretary within the BNP central committee. Similarly, the new UGC chairman is part of the party chairperson’s advisory council. In the context of Dhaka University, these appointments signify more than just administrative placements; they indicate the individuals deemed trustworthy by the state to oversee one of the country’s oldest and most esteemed educational institutions.
The concern extends beyond mere politics; it delves into the institutional fabric. Universities such as Dhaka, Rajshahi, Chittagong, and Jahangirnagar are expected to have vice-chancellors appointed through senate-elected panels. Yet, this established structure has been consistently delayed, circumvented, or diluted in significance, even under an elected government.
The government asserts that the appointments were made after reviewing research output, publications, citations, and academic qualifications. While this claim may hold truth, there lacks transparency regarding the criteria used, the existence of a shortlist, consideration of other candidates, the balance between political affiliations and academic independence, and the rationale behind selecting these specific individuals. If merit indeed guided these selections, the government should disclose the basis of their decisions. The prevalent pattern linking every successful candidate to Sada Dal, Zia Parishad, or the Nationalist Teachers’ Forum raises suspicions that political allegiance took precedence over merit.
Looking back at recent events sheds light on the repercussions of such partisan appointments. The first casualty is often the recruitment process. A vice-chancellor appointed through favoritism is typically expected to favor the network that facilitated their appointment, leading to nepotism and bias in recruitment practices. For instance, the tenure of former VC Prof M Abdus Sobhan at Rajshahi University exemplifies this issue, with reported instances of prioritizing Bangladesh Chhatra League members in university job placements.
Furthermore, partisan VCs tend to rely on student cadres affiliated with the ruling party to maintain control over campus governance. The case of former Awami League-backed VC Prof Farzana Islam at Jahangirnagar University illustrates this dependency, with allegations of distributing funds to appease BCL leaders resulting in unrest and institutional dysfunction.
The trend of politically motivated appointments transcends party lines. Even under the Awami League administration, the Blue panel, supported by AL and allied groups, served as a conduit to vice-chancellor positions. Investigations revealed a significant overlap between pro-government teachers’ organizations and vice-chancellor appointments, underscoring the prevalence of political influence in academic leadership.
Subsequent governments, including the interim administration following the July uprising in 2024, have failed to break away from this culture of patronage. Despite initial promises of reform, the interim government resorted to politically driven appointments, further perpetuating the cycle of partisan selections in academia.
The recurring pattern of politically affiliated appointments underscores the absence of a robust system to counter such practices. Recommendations from past reports and task forces have emphasized the need for an independent, legally empowered national search committee to oversee the appointment of VCs in public universities.
Decades after independence, Bangladesh still lacks a unified policy for appointing vice-chancellors. Existing processes are susceptible to delays, manipulations, and bypassing of established protocols, allowing for executive discretion in appointments. This status quo benefits governments by ensuring compliant campus environments and leaders less inclined to challenge partisan influences or uphold academic freedom.
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